Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts

Wednesday, January 18, 2012

kill SOPA now!!!

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PROTECT IP / SOPA Breaks The Internet from Fight for the Future on Vimeo.

the internet goes... on strike...

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Protest SOPA: Black Out Your Website the Google-Friendly Way
By Scott Gilbertson

On Wednesday Jan. 18, Reddit, Wikipedia and many other websites will black out their content in protest of the Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA), the Protect Intellectual Property Act (PIPA) and the Online Protection and Enforcement of Digital Trade Act (OPEN). Organizers of the SOPA Strike are asking interested sites to black out their content for 12 hours and display a message encouraging users to contact their congressional representatives and urge them to oppose the legislation.

Although it was rumored that Google might join in the protest, that does not appear to be the case. The search giant does, however, have some advice for anyone who would like to black out their site and ensure that doing so doesn’t harm their Google search rank or indexed content. [Update: It appears Google will be participating in some fashion. A Google spokesperson tells Ars Technica that "tomorrow [Google] will be joining many other tech companies to highlight this issue on our U.S. home page.” WordPress and Scribd will also be participating. You can read the full story on Ars Technica.]

Writing on Google+, Google’s Pierre Far offers some practical tips in a post entitled, “Website Outages and Blackouts the Right Way.” The advice mirrors Google’s previous best practices for planned downtime, but warrants a closer look from anyone thinking of taking their site offline to protest the SOPA/PIPA/OPEN legislation.

Far’s main advice is to make sure that any URLs participating in the blackout return a HTTP 503 header. The 503 header will tell Google’s crawlers that your site is temporarily unavailable. That way your protest and blacked out website won’t affect your Google ranking nor will any protest content be indexed as part of your site. If you use Google’s Webmaster tools you will see crawler errors, but that’s what you want — your site to be unavailable, causing an error.

Implementing a 503 header page isn’t too difficult, though the details will vary according to which technologies power your site. If you’re using WordPress there’s a SOPA Blackout plugin available that can handle the blackout for you. It’s also pretty easy to create a 503 redirect at the server level. If you use Apache ensure that you have the Rewrite module installed and then add something like the following code to your root .htaccess file:1 RewriteRule .* /path/to/file/myerror503page.php


That will redirect your entire website to the 503 error page. Now just make sure that your myerror503page.php page returns a 503 error. Assuming you’re using PHP, something like this will do the trick:1 header('HTTP/1.1 503 Service Temporarily Unavailable');
2 header('Retry-After: Thu, 19 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMT');


For more details, be sure to read up on the HTTP 503 header and see the rest of Far’s Google+ post to learn how to handle robots.txt and a few things you should definitely not do (like change your robots.txt file to block Google for the day, which could mean Google will stay away for far more than just a day). Even if you aren’t planning to participate in the anti-SOPA blackout tomorrow, Far’s advice holds true any time you need to take some or all of your site offline — whether it’s routine server maintenance, rolling out an upgrade or as part of a political protest.

Friday, January 6, 2012

“We envision communications infrastructure that is owned and operated cooperatively, by the whole of humanity, rather than by corporations and states.”

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Darknet Rising: A Private, Secure and Anonmyous Meshnet Is Emerging
Posted on January 4, 2012


—
The muted postal horn was the symbol of Trystero, the private postal system in Thomas Pynchon's novel The Crying of Lot 49

In Thomas Pynchon’s novel, The Crying of Lot 49, the story centered on a worldwide conspiracy stretching back centuries and which utilized a private postal system called Trystero. And, just like Pynchon’s fictionalized postal network, today in the real world, privacy advocates, pirates, anarchists, outlaws, drug cartels and others have developed their own private networks called darknets to move their information around the globe in furtherance of their own interests.

One of the most striking examples of a darknet comes from Mexico where it was recently discovered that the the Zetas drug cartel has set up several private cell phone and radio repeater systems in the state of Veracruz as well as along 500 miles of the Texas-Mexico border. Some portions of this system were in remote areas and were powered by solar cells, and used commercially available components. And, while it must be assumed that the tech was fairly easy to obtain, the know-how was a bit more specialized. It is suspected that perhaps as many as two dozen communications workers have been kidnapped in Mexico by the cartel and forced to work putting these systems together. While a few were later released, most ended up dead or simply never seen again.

Online, darknets have been around for much longer. The best known among them is TOR. As the TOR website explains:

Tor is a network of virtual tunnels that allows people and groups to improve their privacy and security on the Internet. It also enables software developers to create new communication tools with built-in privacy features. Tor provides the foundation for a range of applications that allow organizations and individuals to share information over public networks without compromising their privacy.

Individuals use Tor to keep websites from tracking them and their family members, or to connect to news sites, instant messaging services, or the like when these are blocked by their local Internet providers. Tor’s hidden services let users publish web sites and other services without needing to reveal the location of the site. Individuals also use Tor for socially sensitive communication: chat rooms and web forums for rape and abuse survivors, or people with illnesses.

Journalists use Tor to communicate more safely with whistleblowers and dissidents. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) use Tor to allow their workers to connect to their home website while they’re in a foreign country, without notifying everybody nearby that they’re working with that organization.

Groups such as Indymedia recommend Tor for safeguarding their members’ online privacy and security. Activist groups like the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF) recommend Tor as a mechanism for maintaining civil liberties online. Corporations use Tor as a safe way to conduct competitive analysis, and to protect sensitive procurement patterns from eavesdroppers. They also use it to replace traditional VPNs, which reveal the exact amount and timing of communication. Which locations have employees working late? Which locations have employees consulting job-hunting websites? Which research divisions are communicating with the company’s patent lawyers?

A branch of the U.S. Navy uses Tor for open source intelligence gathering, and one of its teams used Tor while deployed in the Middle East recently. Law enforcement uses Tor for visiting or surveilling web sites without leaving government IP addresses in their web logs, and for security during sting operations.

Interestingly enough, the TOR system was originally developed by the US Navy to improve cyber-security and to increase resistance to network analysis. And, while it may be used for legitimate purposes — including increasing and preserving personal privacy — it is also used for illegal purposes such as the infamous Silk Road a site which can only be accessd via the TOR system and which uses Bitcoins as currency. Silk Road is most famous as a marketplace where you can anonymously purchase a wide variety of illegal products most notably narcotics.

While TOR provides resistance to censorship, government monitoring and traffic analysis, a fundamental weakness remains access to the internet. One group that is currently working to ensure privacy and provide corporate-free access to the internet is the Free Network Foundation. Their agenda is a big one, yet still fairly straight-forward:
We envision communications infrastructure that is owned and operated cooperatively, by the whole of humanity, rather than by corporations and states.
We are using the power of peer-to-peer technologies to create a global network which is immune to censorship and resistant to breakdown.
We promote freedoms, support innovations and advocate technologies that enhance and enable digital self-determination.

In other words, what the FNF is attempting to do is to set up an infrastructure that relies on a fundamentally different philosophical, economic and technological approach than the existing internet. Using a peer-to-peer approach FNF (as well as other groups such as Project Mesh Net and Open-Mesh.org ) are working on developing a “mesh” approach to the internet which, theoretically would be free, ubiquitous and anonymous. Others are revisiting older tech such as HAM or CB radio based packet radio systems as stand alone systems or as nodes in an newly emerging alternative internet.

What is coming into focus is that a group of diverse entities and technologies, when taken together, have the capacity to challenge corporate and governmental control over the current form of the internet as well as the information, political and economic activity and freedom of expression found there. If such a “meshnet” does come into existence, we can expect a vigorous reaction by governments the world over. However, where there is no “there” there to regulate, where the transactions are anonymous and essentially untraceable, it remains unclear what steps will be available to a government to assert control over such a system, but we can certainly expect them to try.

Friday, November 18, 2011

What price the new democracy? Goldman Sachs conquers Europe

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While ordinary people fret about austerity and jobs, the eurozone's corridors of power have been undergoing a remarkable transformation
Stephen Foley

Friday 18 November 2011
 The ascension of Mario Monti to the Italian prime ministership is remarkable for more reasons than it is possible to count. By replacing the scandal-surfing Silvio Berlusconi, Italy has dislodged the undislodgeable. By imposing rule by unelected technocrats, it has suspended the normal rules of democracy, and maybe democracy itself. And by putting a senior adviser at Goldman Sachs in charge of a Western nation, it has taken to new heights the political power of an investment bank that you might have thought was prohibitively politically toxic.

This is the most remarkable thing of all: a giant leap forward for, or perhaps even the successful culmination of, the Goldman Sachs Project.

It is not just Mr Monti. The European Central Bank, another crucial player in the sovereign debt drama, is under ex-Goldman management, and the investment bank's alumni hold sway in the corridors of power in almost every European nation, as they have done in the US throughout the financial crisis. Until Wednesday, the International Monetary Fund's European division was also run by a Goldman man, Antonio Borges, who just resigned for personal reasons.

Even before the upheaval in Italy, there was no sign of Goldman Sachs living down its nickname as "the Vampire Squid", and now that its tentacles reach to the top of the eurozone, sceptical voices are raising questions over its influence. The political decisions taken in the coming weeks will determine if the eurozone can and will pay its debts – and Goldman's interests are intricately tied up with the answer to that question.

Simon Johnson, the former International Monetary Fund economist, in his book 13 Bankers, argued that Goldman Sachs and the other large banks had become so close to government in the run-up to the financial crisis that the US was effectively an oligarchy. At least European politicians aren't "bought and paid for" by corporations, as in the US, he says. "Instead what you have in Europe is a shared world-view among the policy elite and the bankers, a shared set of goals and mutual reinforcement of illusions."

This is The Goldman Sachs Project. Put simply, it is to hug governments close. Every business wants to advance its interests with the regulators that can stymie them and the politicians who can give them a tax break, but this is no mere lobbying effort. Goldman is there to provide advice for governments and to provide financing, to send its people into public service and to dangle lucrative jobs in front of people coming out of government. The Project is to create such a deep exchange of people and ideas and money that it is impossible to tell the difference between the public interest and the Goldman Sachs interest.

Mr Monti is one of Italy's most eminent economists, and he spent most of his career in academia and thinktankery, but it was when Mr Berlusconi appointed him to the European Commission in 1995 that Goldman Sachs started to get interested in him. First as commissioner for the internal market, and then especially as commissioner for competition, he has made decisions that could make or break the takeover and merger deals that Goldman's bankers were working on or providing the funding for. Mr Monti also later chaired the Italian Treasury's committee on the banking and financial system, which set the country's financial policies.

With these connections, it was natural for Goldman to invite him to join its board of international advisers. The bank's two dozen-strong international advisers act as informal lobbyists for its interests with the politicians that regulate its work. Other advisers include Otmar Issing who, as a board member of the German Bundesbank and then the European Central Bank, was one of the architects of the euro.

Perhaps the most prominent ex-politician inside the bank is Peter Sutherland, Attorney General of Ireland in the 1980s and another former EU Competition Commissioner. He is now non-executive chairman of Goldman's UK-based broker-dealer arm, Goldman Sachs International, and until its collapse and nationalisation he was also a non-executive director of Royal Bank of Scotland. He has been a prominent voice within Ireland on its bailout by the EU, arguing that the terms of emergency loans should be eased, so as not to exacerbate the country's financial woes. The EU agreed to cut Ireland's interest rate this summer.

Picking up well-connected policymakers on their way out of government is only one half of the Project, sending Goldman alumni into government is the other half. Like Mr Monti, Mario Draghi, who took over as President of the ECB on 1 November, has been in and out of government and in and out of Goldman. He was a member of the World Bank and managing director of the Italian Treasury before spending three years as managing director of Goldman Sachs International between 2002 and 2005 – only to return to government as president of the Italian central bank.

Mr Draghi has been dogged by controversy over the accounting tricks conducted by Italy and other nations on the eurozone periphery as they tried to squeeze into the single currency a decade ago. By using complex derivatives, Italy and Greece were able to slim down the apparent size of their government debt, which euro rules mandated shouldn't be above 60 per cent of the size of the economy. And the brains behind several of those derivatives were the men and women of Goldman Sachs.

The bank's traders created a number of financial deals that allowed Greece to raise money to cut its budget deficit immediately, in return for repayments over time. In one deal, Goldman channelled $1bn of funding to the Greek government in 2002 in a transaction called a cross-currency swap. On the other side of the deal, working in the National Bank of Greece, was Petros Christodoulou, who had begun his career at Goldman, and who has been promoted now to head the office managing government Greek debt. Lucas Papademos, now installed as Prime Minister in Greece's unity government, was a technocrat running the Central Bank of Greece at the time.

Goldman says that the debt reduction achieved by the swaps was negligible in relation to euro rules, but it expressed some regrets over the deals. Gerald Corrigan, a Goldman partner who came to the bank after running the New York branch of the US Federal Reserve, told a UK parliamentary hearing last year: "It is clear with hindsight that the standards of transparency could have been and probably should have been higher."

When the issue was raised at confirmation hearings in the European Parliament for his job at the ECB, Mr Draghi says he wasn't involved in the swaps deals either at the Treasury or at Goldman.

It has proved impossible to hold the line on Greece, which under the latest EU proposals is effectively going to default on its debt by asking creditors to take a "voluntary" haircut of 50 per cent on its bonds, but the current consensus in the eurozone is that the creditors of bigger nations like Italy and Spain must be paid in full. These creditors, of course, are the continent's big banks, and it is their health that is the primary concern of policymakers. The combination of austerity measures imposed by the new technocratic governments in Athens and Rome and the leaders of other eurozone countries, such as Ireland, and rescue funds from the IMF and the largely German-backed European Financial Stability Facility, can all be traced to this consensus.

"My former colleagues at the IMF are running around trying to justify bailouts of €1.5trn-€4trn, but what does that mean?" says Simon Johnson. "It means bailing out the creditors 100 per cent. It is another bank bailout, like in 2008: The mechanism is different, in that this is happening at the sovereign level not the bank level, but the rationale is the same."

So certain is the financial elite that the banks will be bailed out, that some are placing bet-the-company wagers on just such an outcome. Jon Corzine, a former chief executive of Goldman Sachs, returned to Wall Street last year after almost a decade in politics and took control of a historic firm called MF Global. He placed a $6bn bet with the firm's money that Italian government bonds will not default.

When the bet was revealed last month, clients and trading partners decided it was too risky to do business with MF Global and the firm collapsed within days. It was one of the ten biggest bankruptcies in US history.

The grave danger is that, if Italy stops paying its debts, creditor banks could be made insolvent. Goldman Sachs, which has written over $2trn of insurance, including an undisclosed amount on eurozone countries' debt, would not escape unharmed, especially if some of the $2trn of insurance it has purchased on that insurance turns out to be with a bank that has gone under. No bank – and especially not the Vampire Squid – can easily untangle its tentacles from the tentacles of its peers. This is the rationale for the bailouts and the austerity, the reason we are getting more Goldman, not less. The alternative is a second financial crisis, a second economic collapse.

Shared illusions, perhaps? Who would dare test it?

Wednesday, November 16, 2011

the use of money and who is in charge

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our lives arer being dictated by the market's needs and demands, cheaper labour, more working hours, less money for the people etc. where is this policy for the use of the money is coming from? and why the money are used to dictate and not facilitate our lives?

there is a very simple answer to that, people and the goverments they ellect have no saying on how much money should be printed and how are going to be used (does the term unregulated markets say anything to u? and who are the regulators/speculators?). well private organizations called the banks are issuing the money on demand from the private and public sector, the banks also are regulating the use of that money since they clearly decide on how they are investing these money, who they fund in essence. so there you go these are the speculators, and what are they doing? they use the money to create bubbles that harm the real economy, our pockets in essence, but provide them lots and lots of profits from unregulated bets (derivatives) and short term investements (the housing market). and where do they transfer the long term loss, well to the people with rescue plans issued from the ellected goverments to the expense of the tax fair people. there you go is very simple. the banks issue the money, decide where to invest them, make money by tipping off wall street and other investors and when the market collapse they make the people pay for their losses.

is thatunderstood? there is the problem there is the solution to the problem? what is the solution? stop the baks and private organizations from printing money...
but what can we do we dont have the power the media are telling us differently etc... i don t know stupid assholes hold your own referendums in the internet, kill politician and bankers until they back up, i dont know do something... the media ? well the money issuing companies are those that bought the media since they had the money and now you cannot even think for yourself. it is simple, all the working people of the world overthrow this oppression. the oppresors first started printing money and then they bough everything, so take that priviledge of their hands....

in the mean time politicians are going to beg the ECB to print more money to cover the debt of the goverments to them... you cannot think for your self so educate your self become something stop yourself your self is your worst enemy you are not human you are robots. finish with that one for all, rebel take the power kill and rebuild!!! for godshake!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

Money has been privatised by stealth

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The greatest privatisation in history has gone unnoticed. It's time to take from the banks the power to produce money

£20 notes
Rich pickings: but only a fraction of the world's money is physical. Photograph: Paul Rapson/Alamy
It's common knowledge that printing your own £10 notes at home is frowned upon by Her Majesty's police. Yet there's a small collection of companies that are authorised to create – and spend – more new money than the counterfeiters have ever been able to print. In industry jargon, these companies are called "monetary and financial institutions", but you probably know them by their street name: "banks".
The money that they create, effectively out of nothing, isn't the paper money that bears the logo of the government-owned Bank of England. It's the electronic money that flashes up on the screen when you check your balance at an ATM. Right now, this electronic money makes up over 97% of all the money in the economy. Only 3% of money is still in that old-fashioned form of real cash that can be touched.
Hard to believe, isn't it? Martin Wolf, one of the experts who sat on the independent commission on banking, put it bluntly, saying in the Financial Times that "the essence of the contemporary monetary system was the creation of money, out of nothing, by private banks' often foolish lending".
Here's how it works. When you ask the bank for the money to buy a one-bedroom box in London, the money that appears in your account isn't borrowed from some prudent grandmother's life savings. In fact, the bank simply types those numbers into your account, creating brand new money that you can now spend. As other banks do exactly the same, the amount of money in the economy grows and grows. Every new mortgage creates new money, which pushes up house prices just a little more and forces the next buyer to borrow even more from the banks. (A more detailed and fully-referenced explanation of this process is given in the book Where Does Money Come From? published by the New Economics Foundation.)
Through this process of creating money, banks have been able to inflate the money supply at a rate of 11.5% a year, pushing up the prices of houses and pricing out an entire generation.
Of course, the flipside to this creation of money is that with every new loan comes a new debt. This is the source of our mountain of personal debt – not money that had been prudently saved up by pensioners, but money that was created out of nothing by banks and lent to anyone and everyone. Eventually the debt burden becomes just too high, and we see the wave of defaults that triggered the start of the ongoing financial crisis.
But how did something as important as money become privatised? How did the power to create money fall into the hands of the same banks who caused the crisis, with such devastating consequences for millions of ordinary people?
Incredibly, the law that makes it illegal to print your own tenners at home has never been updated to apply to the electronic money that is now created by banks. As we began to use electronic money to make the vast majority of payments, cash became less important and the power to create money shifted to the banks that caused the crisis. Without anyone noticing, the power to create money was privatised by stealth.
So while criminal gangs manage to create about £2.5bn of fake cash each year, the banks collectively create more than £100bn a year without breaking a single law. Their reward for doing so is the interest that is currently being collected on nearly every pound in existence. The cost to the rest of us is a lifetime in debt.
This brings us to a very simple solution to the financial crisis. Many of the current protesters might be surprised to hear that the answer to our current crisis comes from a former Tory prime minister. Back in 1844, Sir Robert Peel realised that metal coins, which at that time were the only legal form of money, had been superseded by new paper notes issued by banks. These paper notes were lighter and more convenient, and therefore much more popular. Peel's 1844 Bank Charter Act took the power to create paper money away from the banks and placed it back under control of the Bank of England. We should now do exactly the same with the power to create electronic money. My own organisation, Positive Money, has even drafted the legislation that would be required to do this.
By reclaiming this power, we can ensure that new money is not used to blow up house price bubbles and fund risky speculation. Instead, newly created money can be put in at the roots of the economy, through ordinary consumers. It will then end up with shops, businesses and factories, who can use it to invest, grow and create jobs. Simply "getting banks lending again" won't help when the public are already saddled under a mountain of debt. What we need is more money, not more debt. This is impossible while all money is created by banks when people go into debt.
Of course, we need to shelter this power to create money from vote-seeking politicians. But the power to create money is far too dangerous to leave in the hands of the banks who caused the crisis. Taking this power away from them is our best hope of both ending the current crisis, and preventing the next one.

Monday, October 17, 2011

cyber warriors

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Soldiers from 1 Mercian see through the dark during a training exercise near Catterick
Cyber Warfare. MoD Corsham, home of the GOSCC, computer secruity. Left-Right, LCpl Rob Purdy, SSgt Martin Bentley, SSgt Jan Nicholas and Cpl Gav Partington, Royal Signals.
Battle station
The GOSCC’s state-of-the-art HQ
All things digital: The GOSCC’s state-of-the-art HQ
The GOSCC’s state-of-the-art HQ
The GOSCC’s state-of-the-art HQ
Constant battle: The enemy could strike anywhere
INSIDE a futuristic structure that wouldn’t look out of place in a fantasy film, the cyber warriors operate 24-hours-a-day, seven-days- a-week.
The purpose-built Global Operations and Security Control Centre (GOSCC) is tucked away down a small country lane near an historic market town. The windowless state-of-the-art building is packed with the latest computer technology and digital expertise.
Live feeds from Libya and Afghanistan are projected onto a vast wall alongside data from the military’s Defence Information Infrastructure network and BBC News 24 updates.
Rows of desks and computer monitors are occupied by hundreds of Army, Navy, RAF and MoD civilian staff and experts from external communications firms are also based there.
The GOSCC defends technology that is accessed by some 300,000 restricted and secret users, ranging from ministers in MoD Main Building to commanders in Helmand.
Capt Chris Parsons (RN), the officer in charge of the cutting-edge construction, said: “This is war-winning stuff because without communications, assets such as counter-IED kit and intelligence, surveillance, target acquisition and reconnaissance would not work. The way in which we fight has become increasingly technical and reliant on access to this sort of information.”
An attack on MoD systems could prevent aircraft flying or ships sailing and, with no boundaries in cyber space, the enemy could easily strike anywhere.
Last year GOSCC’s detection systems registered millions of alerts, hundreds of which required further analysis.
“It’s a constant battle that is getting more sophisticated with advances in technology,” said Wg Cdr David Woodfine (RAF), the officer who oversees the centre’s cyber team.
“We’ve got to be able to keep pace with that. Our watch keeping team monitor more than half a million devices, looking for where the threat might be and where there could be vulnerabilities.
“It’s a new type of warfare where anyone with a PC and access to the web can be a threat.”
While foreign spies, malicious hackers and internet activists represent a very real danger, a large chunk of the battle is fought closer to home.
Careless troops clicking links in forwarded emails or plugging USB sticks or iPhones into computers are responsible for a large proportion of security breaches noted by the centre.
“We want people to be aware of the dangers – if we can crack that then 80 per cent of the threat could be resolved,” added Wg Cdr Woodfine.
 Capt Chris Parsons
Capt Chris Parsons
Report: Sharon Kean
Pictures: Graeme Main
A NEW breed of soldier is emerging in the British Army. Equipped with the latest computer know-how rather than machine guns and grenades, these techno troops are taking the fight to Britain’s digital enemies – sparring with smartphones and repelling rogue emails.

They are part of the MoD’s growing team of cyber warriors – personnel who are trained to defend the multi-billion pound computer and telephone networks that underpin the UK’s military operations.

Among the hundreds of digital defence staff working at the department’s round-the-clock Global Operation Security and Control Centre (GOSCC) are Royal Signals soldiers.

Along with troops from the other two Services, they use their expertise on a futuristic front line that is regularly under attack from enemy forces.

SSgt Martin Bentley is part of the Computer Emergency Response Team, a group of skilled analysts who look out for signs of trouble.

Most potential cyber attacks are detected or reported at their desk first.

“We are trained to spot threats and are constantly active,” he told
Soldier
.

“Analysts are industry trained and have the experience to know what to look for.

“Our international allies also share relevant information with us.”

Seated in front of a wall of monitors, which relay up-to-the-minute information about data passing through the MoD’s restricted and secret networks, they are continually on alert for suspicious activity.

“It’s about seeing something and working out how to fix it,” said SSgt Bentley.

“It is a lot of responsibility but very rewarding and it’s nice to know this sort of thing is being done – I didn’t realise there was a big brother watching over everything before I came here.”

Everyone in the Army, from Apache pilots flying over Libya to commanders in Afghanistan’s forward operating bases, depends on secure telephone lines and intelligence data.

And it’s not just in theatre where this is important – defence attaches in foreign cities and training bases as far removed as Kathmandu are plugged into the Army’s email and intranet.

“What we do underpins operations because without communications everything would fall over,” added SSgt Bentley.

To help them police this sprawling web of information, staff at the cyber hub make use of all the latest developments.

SSgt Jan Nicholas, a systems engineer, has overseen the introduction of a powerful new suite of computers and software called Watchtower, which has boosted the team’s performance.

“The new set-up has the intelligence to alert us to network trends – it’s got the patience that we haven’t and it doesn’t get tired of looking,” he explained.

“It’s really enhanced our capability to keep up with our adversaries, much like a new weapon would.

“It’s brought the investigation time down to between five and ten minutes, whereas before it would take on average 40 to 50 minutes to gather information from different feeds.

“We now have a very well defended network, which is more efficiently policed than it was before thanks to this multi-million pound capability.”

Fellow signaller LCpl Robert Purdy plays an equally important part in ensuring the MoD’s computer crown jewels are protected. He fits and maintains the sensors that pick up potential security breaches.

“I will assess websites, install the kit and go and fix any problems, wherever they are,” he told Soldier.

The highly-secret system used to keep tabs on defence data depends on this hardware being fully functional. As each sensor is responsible for large areas, any damage could prove to be serious.

A few desks away, Cpl Gavin Partington’s team is tasked with identifying new viruses and potential weaknesses in the MoD’s computer networks. He said their work often reaches outside the defence community.

“We carry out in-depth analysis of malicious content by taking a code, reverse engineering it and looking at how it affects a system.

“We have forensics experts who examine kit and equipment and look for evidence of what has happened.

“We will identify threats and use that information to update our sensors.”

He added: “When we have discovered new variants of malicious software we get commercial anti-viral vendors to update their software to cope with this.”

Other cyber soldiers have closer links to more traditional theatres of war.

WO2 Damian Gunn works as part of the team that liaises with front-line commanders to make sure they have the communications they need.

When new missions such as Operation Ellamy begin, or new checkpoints are built in Helmand province, he ensures they are wired up as quickly as possible.

“We talk to the locations to see how to fit with the network already there. We can get basic comms nodes – secure phones and email – in within a week,” WO2 Gunn said.

The Army’s cyber soldiers may be using bandwidth rather than bullets to beat their enemies but they are fighting a battle that is becoming increasingly significant.

In an age where a code war is more likely than a cold war, troops are armed with all the skill and technology needed to safeguard the security of the UK and its Armed Forces.

Friday, June 24, 2011

Hegelian Dialectic

Hegelian Dialectic | Don't Tread On Me

 

Hegelian Dialectic

“When you are aware,you can prepare.”Sons of Liberty Academy

One of the most important weapons the Elite use to enslave humanity is the Hegelian Dialectic. The Hegelian Dialectic is a framework to guide our thoughts and actions to a predetermined solution. Understanding how the Elite manipulate us into their clutches is vital if we are going to be free. When you are aware of how the Elite use this Dialectic to steer societies,you have a pretty powerful tool in staying ahead of not only them but the crowd also.

The Hegelian Dialectic is designed to get us into a frenzied defense or offense of a particular idea or thesis. The natural outgrowth of the original idea is the opposite idea or anti-thesis,which will breed it’s own defense and offense. The predetermined answer of the Elite will be the synthesis of both sides of the conflict.

In America,the most familiar Hegelian Dialectic is the Republican and Democratic parties. On the right we have the Corporatist,Fascist,Republicans that are pro debt,pro war and pro corporation. On the left,we have the Socialist,Communist,Democrats that are pro tax,pro social issues and pro labor. Both of these two fight back and forth every year in a contrived scripted drama known as Washington politics. The synthesis,of these two seemingly opposite ideas,is this middle of the road “lesser of two evils”mess we have now.

When you see that the Elite are collectivists that seek to destroy individuality and freedom,the picture is easier to see. The proper scale is not this false left right paradigm,it is total government power or total freedom. If you are a freedom lover,it does not matter if your government is Fascist or Socialist,you lose. The synthesis of these two is that we get more power and money taken from us to fund every special interest in the world.

You want funding for a trillion dollar a year war?  Sure,  just support a trillion dollar prescription drug plan.

You want unemployment extended? Sure,just support a tax cut for the rich.

There are thousands of examples of these trade offs but they are not really trade offs at all. They are ALL against freedom. The use taxes,regulations,and force to take from one group to give it to another. This gets us all into our little camps to fight in their controlled paradigm. We fight for or against all sorts of ideas like mortgage deductions or minimum wage that just end up slitting all of our throats because we are stealing from each other. This only serves the Elite that derives power and profits off of this sick system.

When the Elite want to move something fast they create a Problem-Reaction-Solution scenario. The Elite over and over again create problems,they wait for it to create the inevitable mess,and then walk in with a predetermined answer. Almost anything that happens in a crisis,follows this same pattern.

Take for example the 2008 financial crisis. The Elite took away a lot of the regulations that were enacted during the Great Depression to regulate banks. They lowered the lending rates,sparking a boom. Created all of these exotic/fraudulent funding vehicles. Made billions on the way up,knowing all along that this was going to blow up. They waited for the music to stop and for America and Congress to panic. They then had the balls to walk into Congress with a $700 Billion dollar ransom note and said sign it or there was going to be martial law in America. This financial coup d’etat was a carefully planned and executed operation by the Elite. All of the right pieces were in place to pull off this heist in less than a week.

If you think this is amazing,wait until they finally knock the legs out of the dollar.

There is always a ‘freedom choice’in any of these Hegelian Dialectics that the Elite don’t even want us to consider. That is the kind of “out of the box thinking”that threatens their paradigm of power. Instead of the Fascist or Socialist false choice,you can choose the Constitutional choice that limits the power of the centralized Elite. The collectivists want to abolish property rights and the American Revolution and Constitution are about protecting property rights. The Elite will never give you that choice,because it does not serve their interests.

If you want your freedom you are going to have to fight for it. You need to start by freeing you mind in the Sons Of Liberty Academy. The best and easiest way to protect your property rights is to sell any asset that can be taxed,regulated,zoned,or inflated away and buy precious metals that have no counter party risk. Read the Silver Bullet and the Silver Shield.

Wake Some People Up!

 

Wednesday, June 8, 2011

FIAT MONEY IS A FRAUD!!!!!!!!!!! RESOURCE BASED ECONOMY NOW!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

 

Fiat money - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Fiat money - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

 

Fiat money

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
Yuan dynasty banknotes were the earliest fiat money.

Fiat money is money that has value only because of government regulation or law. The term derives from the Latin fiat, meaning "let it be done", as such money is established by government decree. Where fiat money is used as currency, the term fiat currency is used.

Fiat money originated in 11th century China,[1] and its use became widespread during the Yuan and Ming dynasties.[2] Today, all national currencies are fiat currencies[citation needed], including the US dollar, the euro, and all other reserve currencies. This trend began with the Nixon Shock of 1971, which ended the backing by precious metal of the U.S. dollar.

Contents

[hide]

[edit] Characteristics

The term fiat money has been defined variously as:

  • any money declared by a government to be legal tender.[3]
  • state-issued money which is neither legally convertible to any other thing, nor fixed in value in terms of any objective standard.[4]
  • money without intrinsic value.[5]

While specie-backed representative money entails the legal requirement that the bank of issue redeem it in fixed weights of specie, fiat money's value is unrelated to the value of any physical quantity. Even a coin containing valuable metal may be considered fiat currency if its face value is higher than its market value as metal.

A feature of all fiat money is its acceptability to the government for payment of taxes and charges.

Fiat money is not essential for large countries, nor is it always used. An economy may function on banknotes issued by commercial banks, which are not legal tender, and hence not fiat money. In the United Kingdom, for example, seven retail banks issue banknotes.[6][7] This was also the situation in the United States during periods prior to 1862, before the first United States Notes were created and declared by the government to be legal tender.

[edit] History

Historically, money originated as commodity money, based on physical commodities such as cowrie shells, copper, gold, or silver, but fiat money is based solely on faith in the government issuing the money.

[edit] Early history

Song Dynasty Jiaozi, the world's earliest paper money

The Song Dynasty in China was the first to issue paper money, jiaozi, around the 10th century AD. Although the notes were valued at a certain exchange rate for gold, silver, or silk, conversion was never allowed in practice. The notes were initially to be redeemed after three years' service, to be replaced by new notes for a 3% service charge, but, as more of them were printed without notes being retired, inflation became evident. The government made several attempts to support the paper by demanding taxes partly in currency and making other laws, but the damage had been done, and the notes fell out of favor.[8]

The successive Yuan Dynasty was the first dynasty in China to use paper currency as the predominant circulating medium. The founder of the Yuan Dynasty, Kublai Khan, issued paper money known as Chao in his reign. The original notes during the Yuan Dynasty were restricted in area and duration as in the Song Dynasty. However, in the later course of the dynasty, facing massive shortages of specie to fund their ruling in China, the Yuan Dynasty began printing paper money without restrictions on duration. This eventually caused hyperinflation. By 1455, in an effort to rein in economic expansion and end hyperinflation, the new Ming Dynasty ended the use of paper money.

[edit] 18th and 19th century

An early form of fiat currency were "bills of credit."[9] Provincial governments produced notes which were fiat currency, with the promise to allow holders to pay taxes in those notes. The notes were issued to pay current obligations and could be called by levying taxes at a later time. Since the notes were denominated in the local unit of account, they were circulated from man to man in non-tax transactions. These types of notes were issued in the British colonies in America, particularly in Pennsylvania, Virginia and Massachusetts. Such money was sold at a discount of silver, which the government would then spend, and would expire at a fixed point in time later. Bills of credit were controversial when they were first issued, and have remained controversial to this day. Those who have wanted to highlight the dangers of inflation have focused on the colonies where the bills of credit depreciated most dramatically – New England and the Carolinas. Those who have wanted to defend the use of bills of credit in the colonies have focused on the middle colonies, where inflation was practically nonexistent.[9]

Colonial powers consciously introduced fiat currencies backed by taxes, e.g. hut taxes or poll taxes, to mobilise economic resources in their new possessions, at least as a transitional arrangement.

The repeated cycle of deflationary hard money, followed by inflationary paper money continued through much of the 18th and 19th centuries. Often nations would have dual currencies, with paper trading at some discount to specie backed money. Examples include the “Continental” issued by the U.S. Congress before the Constitution; paper versus gold ducats in Napoleonic era Vienna, where paper often traded at 100:1 against gold; the South Sea Bubble, which produced bank notes not backed by sufficient reserves; and the Mississippi Company scheme of John Law.

During the American Civil War, the Federal Government issued United States Notes, a form of paper fiat currency popularly known as 'greenbacks'. Their issue was limited by Congress at a little over $340 million. During the 1870s, withdrawal of the notes from circulation was opposed by the United States Greenback Party. The term 'fiat money' was used in the resolutions of an 1878 party convention.[10]

[edit] 20th century

By World War I most nations had a legalized government monopoly on bank notes and the legal tender status thereof. In theory, governments still promised to redeem notes in specie on demand. However, the costs of the war and the massive expansion afterward made governments suspend redemption in specie. Since there was no direct penalty for doing so, governments were not immediately responsible for the economic consequences of printing more money, which led to hyperinflation – for example in Weimar Germany.

Attempts were made to reassert currency stability by anchoring it to wholesale gold bullion rather than making it payable in specie. This money combined pure fiat currency, in that the currency was limited to central bank notes and token coins that were current only by government fiat, with a form of convertibility, via gold bullion exchange, or via exchange into US dollars which were convertible into gold bullion, under the 1945 Bretton Woods system.

[edit] Bretton Woods

The Bretton Woods system pegged the value of the United States dollar to 1/35th of a troy ounce of gold. Other currencies were pegged to the U.S. dollar at fixed rates. The U.S. promised to redeem dollars in gold to other central banks. Trade imbalances were corrected by gold reserve exchanges or by loans from the International Monetary Fund. This system collapsed when the United States government ended the convertibility of the US dollar for gold in 1971, in what became known as the Nixon Shock.

[edit] Chartalism

Chartalism is a monetary theory that states the initial demand for a fiat currency is generated by its unique ability to extinguish tax liabilities. Goods and services are traded for fiat money due to the need to pay taxes in the money.

[edit] Loss of backing

A fiat-money currency generally loses value once the issuing government refuses to further guarantee its value through taxation, but this need not necessarily occur. For example, the so-called Swiss dinar continued to retain value in Kurdish Iraq even after its legal tender status was withdrawn by its issuer, Iraq's central government.[11][12]

[edit] Monetary economics

In monetary economics, fiat money is an intrinsically useless good used as a means of payment.[13] In some micro-founded models of money, fiat money arises endogenously as it makes feasible trades that would not otherwise be possible, either because agents may not anonymously write IOUs, or because of physical constraints.[14][15]

[edit] See also

[edit] References

  1. ^ Selgin, George. (2002). "Adaptive Learning and the Transition to Fiat Money," The Economic Journal, 113(484), pp. 147-165.
  2. ^ Von Glahn, Richard. (1996). Fountain of Fortune: Money and Monetary Policy in China, 1000-1700. Berkeley: University of California Press.
  3. ^ Montgomery Rollins (1917). Money and Investments. George Routledge & Sons, Ltd. http://chestofbooks.com/finance/investments/Money-Investments/Farthing-Financial-Bill.html. "Fiat Money. Money which a government declares shall be accepted as legal tender at its face value;" 
  4. ^ John Maynard Keynes (1965) [1930]. "1. The Classification of Money". A Treatise on Money. 1. Macmillan & Co Ltd. pp. 7. "Fiat Money is Representative (or token) Money (i.e something the intrinsic value of the material substance of which is divorced from its monetary face value) - now generally made of paper except in the case of small denominations — which is created and issued by the State, but is not convertible by law into anything other than itself, and has no fixed value in terms of an objective standard." 
  5. ^ N. Gregory Mankiw (2008-09-29). Principles of Economics. pp. 659. ISBN 9780324589979. http://books.google.com/?id=oRgQ2goeFzwC&pg=PA659&pg=PA659&q=fiat%20money%20. "Fiat money, such as paper dollars, is money without intrinsic value: It would be worthless if it were not used as money." 
  6. ^ "Bank Notes (Scotland) Act 1845". UK Statute Law Database. http://www.statutelaw.gov.uk/content.aspx?LegType=All+Primary&PageNumber=99&NavFrom=2&parentActiveTextDocId=1031777&ActiveTextDocId=1031777&filesize=50345. 
  7. ^ Ramsden, Dave (2004). "A Very Short History of Chinese Paper Money". James J. Puplava Financial Sense. http://www.financialsense.com/fsu/editorials/ramsden/2004/0617.html. 
  8. ^ a b Michener, Ron (2003). "Money in the American Colonies". EH.Net Encyclopedia, edited by Robert Whaples.
  9. ^ "Fiat Money". Chicago Daily Tribune. May 24, 1878. 
  10. ^ Foote, Christopher; Block, William; Crane, Keith; Gray, Simon (2004). "Economic Policy and Prospects in Iraq". The Journal of Economic Perspectives 18 (3): 47–70. doi:10.1257/0895330042162395. .
  11. ^ Budget and Finance (2003). "Iraq Currency Exchange". The Coalition Provisional Authority. http://www.cpa-iraq.org/budget/IraqCurrencyExchange.html. 
  12. ^ Walsh, Carl E. (2003). Monetary Theory and Policy. The MIT Press. ISBN 978-0-262-23231-9. 
  13. ^ Kiyotaki, Nobuhiro; Wright, Randall (1989). "On Money as a Medium of Exchange". Journal of Political Economy 97 (4): 927–954. doi:10.1086/261634. .
  14. ^ Lagos, Ricardo; Wright, Randall (2005). "A Unified Framework for Monetary Theory and Policy Analysis". Journal of Political Economy 113 (3): 463–484. doi:10.1086/429804. .

 

Tuesday, June 7, 2011

Fractional-reserve banking

Fractional-reserve banking - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

 

Fractional-reserve banking

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Fractional-reserve banking is a type of banking where depositors invest base money in a bank and have the ability to earn interest, rather than having to pay the bank to hold their money. The bank takes ownership of base money entering the bank, uses it to maintain highly liquid reserves to repay expected customer withdrawals and pay for bank operations, and in return gives the customer a credit to their account, which the bank ensures the customer can use as money to buy goods and services anywhere in the economy. The bank, generally speaking, does not retain all of a particular customer’s base money deposits within the bank. Instead, the base money now owned by the bank, is constantly being used in transfers to other banks as customers spend money and the bank settles the loans it offers customers. In turn, many other banks are transferring funds via the same process to customers of the first bank. This means that base money and other liquid assets held by the bank, are only a fraction (strictly less than unity) of the quantity of customer credits at the bank. Because most bank deposits are treated as money in their own right, fractional reserve banking increases the money supply and banks are said to create money.

Bank runs (or when problems are widespread, a systemic crisis) can occur in fractional-reserve banking systems. To mitigate this risk, the governments of most countries (usually acting through the central bank) regulate and oversee commercial banks, provide deposit insurance and act as lender of last resort to commercial banks.

Fractional-reserve banking is the most common form of banking and is practiced in almost all countries. Although Islamic banking prohibits the making of profit from interest on debt, a form of fractional-reserve banking is still evident in most Islamic countries.

Contents

[hide]

[edit] History

Savers looking to keep their valuables in safekeeping depositories deposited gold coins and silver coins at goldsmiths, receiving in turn a note for their deposit (see Bank of Amsterdam). Once these notes became a trusted medium of exchange an early form of paper money was born, in the form of the goldsmiths' notes.[1]

As the notes were used directly in trade, the goldsmiths observed that people would not usually redeem all their notes at the same time, and they saw the opportunity to invest their coin reserves in interest-bearing loans and bills. This generated income for the goldsmiths but left them with more notes on issue than reserves with which to pay them. A process was started that altered the role of the goldsmiths from passive guardians of bullion, charging fees for safe storage, to interest-paying and interest-earning banks. Thus fractional-reserve banking was born.

However, if creditors (note holders of gold originally deposited) lost faith in the ability of a bank to redeem (pay) their notes, many would try to redeem their notes at the same time. If in response a bank could not raise enough funds by calling in loans or selling bills, it either went into insolvency or defaulted on its notes. Such a situation is called a bank run and caused the demise of many early banks.[1]

Repeated bank failures and financial crises led to the creation of central banks – public institutions that have the authority to regulate commercial banks, impose reserve requirements, and act as lender-of-last-resort if a bank runs low on liquidity. The emergence of central banks mitigated the dangers associated with fractional reserve banking.[2][3]

From about 1991 a consensus had emerged within developed economies about the optimum design of monetary policy methods. In essence central bankers gave up attempts to directly control the amount of money in the economy and instead moved to indirect methods by targeting interest rates.[4]

[edit] Reason for existence

Fractional reserve banking allows people to invest their money, without losing the ability to use it on demand. Since most people do not need to use all their money all the time, banks lend out that money, to generate profit for themselves. Thus, banks can act as financial intermediaries — facilitating the investment of savers' funds.[2][5] Full reserve banking, on the other hand, does not allow any money in such demand deposits to be invested (since all of the money would be locked up in reserves) and less liquid investments (such as stocks, bonds and time deposits) lock up a lenders money for a time, making it unavailable for the lender to use.

According to mainstream economic theory, regulated fractional-reserve banking also benefits the economy by providing regulators with powerful tools for manipulating the money supply and interest rates, which many see as essential to a healthy economy.[6]

[edit] How it works

The nature of modern banking is such that the cash reserves at the bank available to repay demand deposits need only be a fraction of the demand deposits owed to depositors. In most legal systems, a demand deposit at a bank (e.g. a checking or savings account) is considered a loan to the bank (instead of a bailment) repayable on demand, that the bank can use to finance its investments in loans and interest bearing securities. Banks make a profit based on the difference between the interest they charge on the loans they make, and the interest they pay to their depositors. Since a bank lends out most of the money deposited, keeping only a fraction of the total as reserves, it necessarily has less money than the account balances of its depositors.

The main reason customers deposit funds at a bank is to store savings in the form of a demand claim on the bank. Depositors still have a claim to full repayment of their funds on demand even though most of the funds have already been invested by the bank in interest bearing loans and securities.[7] Holders of demand deposits can withdraw all of their deposits at any time. If all the depositors of a bank did so at the same time a bank run would occur, and the bank would likely collapse. Due to the practice of central banking, this is a rare event today, as central banks usually guarantee the deposits at commercial banks, and act as lender of last resort when there is a run on a bank. However, there have been some recent bank runs: the Northern Rock crisis of 2007 in the United Kingdom is an example. The collapse of Washington Mutual bank in September 2008, the largest bank failure in history, was preceded by a "silent run" on the bank, where depositors removed vast sums of money from the bank through electronic transfer.[citation needed] However, in these cases, the banks proved to have been insolvent at the time of the run. Thus, these bank runs merely precipitated failures that were inevitable in any case.

In the absence of crises that trigger bank runs, fractional-reserve banking usually functions smoothly because at any one time relatively few depositors will make cash withdrawals simultaneously compared to the total amount on deposit, and a cash reserve can be maintained as a buffer to deal with the normal cash demands from depositors seeking withdrawals. In addition, in a normal economic environment, cash is steadily being introduced into the economy by the central bank, and new funds are steadily being deposited into the commercial banks.

However, if a bank is experiencing a financial crisis, and net redemption demands are unusually large over a period of time, the bank will run low on cash reserves and will be forced to raise additional funds to avoid running out of reserves and defaulting on its obligations. A bank can raise funds from additional borrowings (e.g. by borrowing from the money market or using lines of credit held with other banks), or by selling assets, or by calling in short-term loans. If creditors are afraid that the bank is running out of cash or is insolvent, they have an incentive to redeem their deposits as soon as possible before other depositors access the remaining cash reserves before they do, triggering a cascading crisis that can result in a full-scale bank run.

[edit] Money creation

Modern central banking allows banks to practice fractional reserve banking with inter-bank business transactions with a reduced risk of bankruptcy. The process of fractional-reserve banking expands the money supply of the economy but also increases the risk that a bank cannot meet its depositor withdrawals.[8][9] Though not a mainstream economic belief, a number of central bankers, monetary economists, and text books, have said that banks create money by 'extending credit', where banks obligate themselves to borrowers, and then later manage whatever liabilities this creates for them, where if the central bank targets interest rates, it must supply base money on demand to meet the banks reserve requirements, after the banks have begun the lending process[10][11][12][13][14][15][16][17] and that rather than deposits leading to loans, causality is reversed, and loans lead to deposits.[18][19][20][21] (Howells P, Page 33).

There are two types of money in a fractional-reserve banking system operating with a central bank:[22][23][24]

  1. central bank money (money created or adopted by the central bank regardless of its form (precious metals, commodity certificates, banknotes, coins, electronic money loaned to commercial banks, or anything else the central bank chooses as its form of money))
  2. commercial bank money (demand deposits in the commercial banking system) - sometimes referred to as chequebook money

When a deposit of central bank money is made at a commercial bank, the central bank money is removed from circulation and added to the commercial banks' reserves (it is no longer counted as part of m1 money supply). Simultaneously, an equal amount of new commercial bank money is created in the form of bank deposits. When a loan is made by the commercial bank (which keeps only a fraction of the central bank money as reserves), using the central bank money from the commercial bank's reserves, the m1 money supply expands by the size of the loan.[2] This process is called deposit multiplication.

[edit] Example of deposit multiplication

The table below displays the mainstream economics relending model of how loans are funded and how the money supply is affected. It also shows how central bank money is used to create commercial bank money from an initial deposit of $100 of central bank money. In the example, the initial deposit is lent out 10 times with a fractional-reserve rate of 20% to ultimately create $400 of commercial bank money. Each successive bank involved in this process creates new commercial bank money on a diminishing portion of the original deposit of central bank money. This is because banks only lend out a portion of the central bank money deposited, in order to fulfill reserve requirements and to ensure that they always have enough reserves on hand to meet normal transaction demands.

The relending model begins when an initial $100 deposit of central bank money is made into Bank A. Bank A takes 20 percent of it, or $20, and sets it aside as reserves, and then loans out the remaining 80 percent, or $80. At this point, the money supply actually totals $180, not $100, because the bank has loaned out $80 of the central bank money, kept $20 of central bank money in reserve (not part of the money supply), and substituted a newly created $100 IOU claim for the depositor that acts equivalently to and can be implicitly redeemed for central bank money (the depositor can transfer it to another account, write a check on it, demand his cash back, etc.). These claims by depositors on banks are termed demand deposits or commercial bank money and are simply recorded in a bank's accounts as a liability (specifically, an IOU to the depositor). From a depositor's perspective, commercial bank money is equivalent to central bank money – it is impossible to tell the two forms of money apart unless a bank run occurs (at which time everyone wants central bank money).[2]

At this point in the relending model, Bank A now only has $20 of central bank money on its books. The loan recipient is holding $80 in central bank money, but he soon spends the $80. The receiver of that $80 then deposits it into Bank B. Bank B is now in the same situation as Bank A started with, except it has a deposit of $80 of central bank money instead of $100. Similar to Bank A, Bank B sets aside 20 percent of that $80, or $16, as reserves and lends out the remaining $64, increasing money supply by $64. As the process continues, more commercial bank money is created. To simplify the table, a different bank is used for each deposit. In the real world, the money a bank lends may end up in the same bank so that it then has more money to lend out.

Table Sources:[25]
Individual Bank Amount Deposited Lent Out Reserves
A1008020
B806416
C6451.2012.80
D51.2040.9610.24
E40.9632.778.19
F32.7726.216.55
G26.2120.975.24
H20.9716.784.19
I16.7813.423.36
J13.4210.742.68
K10.74




Total Reserves:



89.26

Total Amount of Deposits:Total Amount Lent Out:Total Reserves + Last Amount Deposited:

457.05357.05100
The expansion of $100 of central bank money through fractional-reserve lending with a 20% reserve rate. $400 of commercial bank money is created virtually through loans.

Although no new money was physically created in addition to the initial $100 deposit, new commercial bank money is created through loans. The 2 boxes marked in red show the location of the original $100 deposit throughout the entire process. The total reserves plus the last deposit (or last loan, whichever is last) will always equal the original amount, which in this case is $100. As this process continues, more commercial bank money is created. The amounts in each step decrease towards a limit. If a graph is made showing the accumulation of deposits, one can see that the graph is curved and approaches a limit. This limit is the maximum amount of money that can be created with a given reserve rate. When the reserve rate is 20%, as in the example above, the maximum amount of total deposits that can be created is $500 and the maximum increase in the money supply is $400.

For an individual bank, the deposit is considered a liability whereas the loan it gives out and the reserves are considered assets. Deposits will always be equal to loans plus a bank's reserves, since loans and reserves are created from deposits. This is the basis for a bank's balance sheet.

Fractional reserve banking allows the money supply to expand or contract. Generally the expansion or contraction of the money supply is dictated by the balance between the rate of new loans being created and the rate of existing loans being repaid or defaulted on. The balance between these two rates can be influenced to some degree by actions of the central bank.

This table gives an outline of the makeup of money supplies worldwide. Most of the money in any given money supply consists of commercial bank money.[22] The value of commercial bank money is based on the fact that it can be exchanged freely at a bank for central bank money.[22][23]

The actual increase in the money supply through this process may be lower, as (at each step) banks may choose to hold reserves in excess of the statutory minimum, borrowers may let some funds sit idle, and some members of the public may choose to hold cash, and there also may be delays or frictions in the lending process.[26] Government regulations may also be used to limit the money creation process by preventing banks from giving out loans even though the reserve requirements have been fulfilled.[27]

[edit] Money multiplier

The expansion of $100 through fractional-reserve banking with varying reserve requirements. Each curve approaches a limit. This limit is the value that the money multiplier calculates.

The most common mechanism used to measure this increase in the money supply is typically called the money multiplier. It calculates the maximum amount of money that an initial deposit can be expanded to with a given reserve ratio.

[edit] Formula

The money multiplier, m, is the inverse of the reserve requirement, R:[28]

m=\frac1R

Example

For example, with the reserve ratio of 20 percent, this reserve ratio, R, can also be expressed as a fraction:

R=\tfrac15

So then the money multiplier, m, will be calculated as:

m=\frac{1}{1/5}=5

This number is multiplied by the initial deposit to show the maximum amount of money it can be expanded to.

The money creation process is also affected by the currency drain ratio (the propensity of the public to hold banknotes rather than deposit them with a commercial bank), and the safety reserve ratio (excess reserves beyond the legal requirement that commercial banks voluntarily hold—usually a small amount). Data for "excess" reserves and vault cash are published regularly by the Federal Reserve in the United States.[29] In practice, the actual money multiplier varies over time, and may be substantially lower than the theoretical maximum.[30]

Confusingly there are many different "money multipliers", some referring to ratios of rates of change of different money measures and others referring to ratios of absolute values of money measures.

[edit] Reserve requirements

The modern mainstream view of reserve requirements is that they are intended to prevent banks from:

  1. generating too much money by making too many loans against the narrow money deposit base;
  2. having a shortage of cash when large deposits are withdrawn (although the reserve is thought to be a legal minimum, it is understood that in a crisis or bank run, reserves may be made available on a temporary basis).

In practice, some central banks do not require reserves to be held, and in some countries that do, such as the USA and the EU they are not required to be held during the day when the banks are lending, and banks can borrow from other banks at near the central bank policy rate to ensure they have the necessary amount of required reserves by the close of business. Required reserves are therefore considered by some central bankers, monetary economists and text books to only play a very small role in limiting money creation in these countries. Most commentators agree however, that they help the banks have sufficient supplies of highly liquid assets, so that the system operates in an orderly fashion and maintains public confidance. The UK for example, that does not have required reserves, does have requirements that the banks keep a certain amount of cash, and in Australia while there are no reserve requirements, there are a variety of requirements to ensure the banks have a stabilising ratio of liquid assets, such as deposits held with local banks.

In addition to reserve requirements, there are other required financial ratios that affect the amount of loans that a bank can fund. The capital requirement ratio is perhaps the most important of these other required ratios. When there are no mandatory reserve requirements, which are considered by some mainstream economists to restrict lending, the capital requirement ratio acts to prevent an infinite amount of bank lending.

[edit] Alternative views

Theories of endogenous money date to the 19th century, and were described by Joseph Schumpeter, and later the post-Keynesians.[31] Endogenous money theory states that the supply of money is credit-driven and determined endogenously by the demand for bank loans, rather than exogenously by monetary authorities.

Charles Goodhart worked for many years to encourage a different approach to money supply analysis and said the base money multiplier model was "such an incomplete way of describing the process of the determination of the stock of money that it amounts to misinstruction"[32] Ten years later he said: "Almost all those who have worked in a [central bank] believe that this view is totally mistaken; in particular, it ignores the implications of several of the crucial institutional features of a modern commercial banking system...".[33] Goodhart has characterized the money stock as a dependent endogenous variable.[34] In 1994, Mervyn King said that the causation between money and demand is a contentious issue, because although textbooks assume that money is exogenous, in the United Kingdom money is endogenous, as the Bank of England provides base money on demand and broad money is created by the banking system.[35][36][37]

Seth B. Carpenter and Selva Demiralp concluded the simple textbook base money multiplier is implausible in the United States.[38]

[edit] Money supplies around the world

Components of US money supply (currency, M1, M2, and M3) since 1959. In January 2007, the amount of central bank money was $750.5 billion while the amount of commercial bank money (in the M2 supply) was $6.33 trillion. M1 is currency plus demand deposits; M2 is M1 plus time deposits, savings deposits, and some money-market funds; and M3 is M2 plus large time deposits and other forms of money. The M3 data ends in 2006 because the federal reserve ceased reporting it.[clarification needed]
Components of the euro money supply 1998-2007

Fractional-reserve banking determines the relationship between the amount of central bank money (currency) in the official money supply statistics and the total money supply. Most of the money in these systems is commercial bank money. Fractional reserve banking involves the issuance and creation of commercial bank money, which increases the money supply through the deposit creation multiplier. The issue of money through the banking system is a mechanism of monetary transmission, which a central bank can influence indirectly by raising or lowering interest rates (although banking regulations may also be adjusted to influence the money supply, depending on the circumstances).

[edit] Regulation

Because the nature of fractional-reserve banking involves the possibility of bank runs, central banks have been created throughout the world to address these problems.[3][39]

[edit] Central banks

Government controls and bank regulations related to fractional-reserve banking have generally been used to impose restrictive requirements on note issue and deposit taking on the one hand, and to provide relief from bankruptcy and creditor claims, and/or protect creditors with government funds, when banks defaulted on the other hand. Such measures have included:

  1. Minimum required reserve ratios (RRRs)
  2. Minimum capital ratios
  3. Government bond deposit requirements for note issue
  4. 100% Marginal Reserve requirements for note issue, such as the Bank Charter Act 1844 (UK)
  5. Sanction on bank defaults and protection from creditors for many months or even years, and
  6. Central bank support for distressed banks, and government guarantee funds for notes and deposits, both to counteract bank runs and to protect bank creditors.

[edit] Liquidity and capital management for a bank

To avoid defaulting on its obligations, the bank must maintain a minimal reserve ratio that it fixes in accordance with, notably, regulations and its liabilities. In practice this means that the bank sets a reserve ratio target and responds when the actual ratio falls below the target. Such response can be, for instance:

  1. Selling or redeeming other assets, or securitization of illiquid assets,
  2. Restricting investment in new loans,
  3. Borrowing funds (whether repayable on demand or at a fixed maturity),
  4. Issuing additional capital instruments, or
  5. Reducing dividends.[citation needed]

Because different funding options have different costs, and differ in reliability, banks maintain a stock of low cost and reliable sources of liquidity such as:

  1. Demand deposits with other banks
  2. High quality marketable debt securities
  3. Committed lines of credit with other banks[citation needed]

As with reserves, other sources of liquidity are managed with targets.

The ability of the bank to borrow money reliably and economically is crucial, which is why confidence in the bank's creditworthiness is important to its liquidity. This means that the bank needs to maintain adequate capitalisation and to effectively control its exposures to risk in order to continue its operations. If creditors doubt the bank's assets are worth more than its liabilities, all demand creditors have an incentive to demand payment immediately, a situation known as a run on the bank.[citation needed]

Contemporary bank management methods for liquidity are based on maturity analysis of all the bank's assets and liabilities (off balance sheet exposures may also be included). Assets and liabilities are put into residual contractual maturity buckets such as 'on demand', 'less than 1 month', '2–3 months' etc. These residual contractual maturities may be adjusted to account for expected counter party behaviour such as early loan repayments due to borrowers refinancing and expected renewals of term deposits to give forecast cash flows. This analysis highlights any large future net outflows of cash and enables the bank to respond before they occur. Scenario analysis may also be conducted, depicting scenarios including stress scenarios such as a bank-specific crisis.[citation needed]

[edit] Risk and prudential regulation

In a fractional-reserve banking system, in the event of a bank run, the demand depositors and note holders would attempt to withdraw more money than the bank has in reserves, causing the bank to suffer a liquidity crisis and, ultimately, to perhaps default. In the event of a default, the bank would need to liquidate assets and the creditors of the bank would suffer a loss if the proceeds were insufficient to pay its liabilities. Since public deposits are payable on demand, liquidation may require selling assets quickly and potentially in large enough quantities to affect the price of those assets. An otherwise solvent bank (whose assets are worth more than its liabilities) may be made insolvent by a bank run. This problem potentially exists for any corporation with debt or liabilities, but is more critical for banks as they rely upon public deposits (which may be redeemable upon demand).

Although an initial analysis of a bank run and default points to the bank's inability to liquidate or sell assets (i.e. because the fraction of assets not held in the form of liquid reserves are held in less liquid investments such as loans), a more full analysis indicates that depositors will cause a bank run only when they have a genuine fear of loss of capital, and that banks with a strong risk adjusted capital ratio should be able to liquidate assets and obtain other sources of finance to avoid default[citation needed]. For this reason, fractional-reserve banks have every reason to maintain their liquidity, even at the cost of selling assets at heavy discounts and obtaining finance at high cost, during a bank run (to avoid a total loss for the contributors of the bank's capital, the shareholders)[citation needed].

Many governments have enforced or established deposit insurance systems in order to protect depositors from the event of bank defaults and to help maintain public confidence in the fractional-reserve system.

Responses to the problem of financial risk described above include:

  1. Proponents of prudential regulation, such as minimum capital ratios, minimum reserve ratios, central bank or other regulatory supervision, and compulsory note and deposit insurance, (see Controls on Fractional-Reserve Banking below);
  2. Proponents of free banking, who believe that banking should be open to free entry and competition, and that the self-interest of debtors, creditors and shareholders should result in effective risk management; and,
  3. Withdrawal restrictions: some bank accounts may place a limit on daily cash withdrawals and may require a notice period for very large withdrawals. Banking laws in some countries may allow restrictions to be placed on withdrawals under certain circumstances, although these restrictions may rarely, if ever, be used;
  4. Opponents of fractional reserve banking who insist that notes and demand deposits be 100% reserved.

[edit] Example of a bank balance sheet and financial ratios

An example of fractional reserve banking, and the calculation of the reserve ratio is shown in the balance sheet below:

Example 2: ANZ National Bank Limited Balance Sheet as at 30 September 2007[citation needed]
ASSETSNZ$mLIABILITIESNZ$m
Cash201Demand Deposits25482
Balance with Central Bank2809Term Deposits and other borrowings35231
Other Liquid Assets1797Due to Other Financial Institutions3170
Due from other Financial Institutions3563Derivative financial instruments4924
Trading Securities1887Payables and other liabilities1351
Derivative financial instruments4771Provisions165
Available for sale assets48Bonds and Notes14607
Net loans and advances87878Related Party Funding2775
Shares in controlled entities206[subordinated] Loan Capital2062
Current Tax Assets112Total Liabilities99084
Other assets1045Share Capital5943
Deferred Tax Assets11[revaluation] Reserves83
Premises and Equipment232Retained profits2667
Goodwill and other intangibles3297Total Equity8703
Total Assets107787Total Liabilities plus Net Worth107787

In this example the cash reserves held by the bank is $3010m ($201m currency + $2809m held at central bank) and the demand liabilities of the bank are $25482m, for a cash reserve ratio of 11.81%.

[edit] Other financial ratios

The key financial ratio used to analyze fractional-reserve banks is the cash reserve ratio, which is the ratio of cash reserves to demand deposits. However, other important financial ratios are also used to analyze the bank's liquidity, financial strength, profitability etc.

For example the ANZ National Bank Limited balance sheet above gives the following financial ratios:

  1. The cash reserve ratio is $3010m/$25482m, i.e. 11.81%.
  2. The liquid assets reserve ratio is ($201m+$2809m+$1797m)/$25482m, i.e. 18.86%.
  3. The equity capital ratio is $8703m/107787m, i.e. 8.07%.
  4. The tangible equity ratio is ($8703m-$3297m)/107787m, i.e. 5.02%
  5. The total capital ratio is ($8703m+$2062m)/$107787m, i.e. 9.99%.

It is very important how the term 'reserves' is defined for calculating the reserve ratio, as different definitions give different results. Other important financial ratios may require analysis of disclosures in other parts of the bank's financial statements. In particular, for liquidity risk, disclosures are incorporated into a note to the financial statements that provides maturity analysis of the bank's assets and liabilities and an explanation of how the bank manages its liquidity.

[edit] How the example bank manages its liquidity

The ANZ National Bank Limited explains its methods as:[citation needed]

Liquidity risk is the risk that the Banking Group will encounter difficulties in meeting commitments associated with its financial liabilities, e.g. overnight deposits, current accounts, and maturing deposits; and future commitments e.g. loan draw-downs and guarantees. The Banking Group manages its exposure to liquidity risk by maintaining sufficient liquid funds to meet its commitments based on historical and forecast cash flow requirements.
The following maturity analysis of assets and liabilities has been prepared on the basis of the remaining period to contractual maturity as at the balance date. The majority of longer term loans and advances are housing loans, which are likely to be repaid earlier than their contractual terms. Deposits include substantial customer deposits that are repayable on demand. However, historical experience has shown such balances provide a stable source of long term funding for the Banking Group. When managing liquidity risks, the Banking Group adjusts this contractual profile for expected customer behaviour.
Example 2: ANZ National Bank Limited Maturity Analysis of Assets and Liabilities as at 30 September 2007[citation needed]
 Total carrying valueLess than 3 months3–12 months1–5 yearsBeyond 5 yearsNo Specified Maturity
Assets      
Liquid Assets48074807    
Due from other financial institutions35632650440187286 
Derivative Financial Instruments4711    4711
Assets available for sale4833113 1
Net loans and advances87878927699062414244905
Other Assets4903970179  3754
Total Assets107787183941092225013453438115
Liabilities      
Due to other financial institutions3170235640532377 
Deposits and other borrowings7003053059147262245  
Derivative financial instruments4932    4932
Other liabilities1516131596326013
Bonds and notes1460767243419594  
Related party funding22752275    
Loan capital2062 1001653309 
Total liabilities990846017719668135567464937
Net liquidity gap8703(41783)(8746)11457445973178
Net liquidity gap - cumulative8703(41783)(50529)(39072)55258703

[edit] Criticism

The primary criticisms relate to the potential fragility of bank liquidity in a fractional reserve banking environment, the financial risk of bank runs that depositors bear when depositing money with banks, and the impact that demand deposits have on the stock of money, and on inflation (that is, the implicit expansion of the money supply and its associated impact on prices and the exchange rate). An alternative to fractional reserve banking is full-reserve banking.[40] With full-reserve banking, some monetary reformers, such as Stephen Zarlenga of the American Monetary Institute, support the concurrent issuance of debt-free fiat currency from the Treasury, while others such as Congressman Ron Paul and some economists from the Austrian school, call for a commodity currency as existed under the gold standard.[41][42][43]

[edit] Exacerbation of the business cycle

Adherents of the non-mainstream Austrian School claim that fractional-reserve banking, by expanding the money supply, will lower the interest rates compared to a hypothetical full-reserve banking system, although this idea has been criticized within mainstream economics.[44][45][46] Austrian adherents argue that the presumed discrepancy will affect the role of the interest rate as the price of investment capital, guiding investment decisions. One of the proponents of aspects of the business cycle theory, Friedrich von Hayek, shared in the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences for 1974.[47] Hayek accepted that bank credit and fractional reserve banking — even if they contributed to business cycles — were necessary as "the price we pay for a speed of development exceeding" that which would otherwise be possible, and that "financial institutions have never been prohibited from holding fractional reserves."[48]

A few Austrian School economists, such as Pascal Salin, also suggest that a full-reserve banking system should not be enforced legally, and dispute Murray Rothbard's characterization of fractional-reserve banking as a simple form of recursive embezzlement, and rather advocate the abolition of central banking, and suggest that free banking replace the current system. Austrian monetary theorist George Selgin has also argued in favor of fractional reserve banking.[49]

[edit] Effects of an increased money supply

Fractional reserve banking involves the creation of money by the commercial bank system, increasing the money supply. According to the quantity theory of money, this larger money supply leads to more money 'chasing' the same amount of goods, which leads to a higher price level.[50] Austrian economists state that this expansion of the broad money supply (demand deposits and notes) caused by fractional reserve banking is a cause of price inflation.[51]

 

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